Japan’s culture and courts need to get with the program on overtime

TV series have for decades now overused a broad range of formulaic plot devices. Let me give you an example:
The heroine scrambles to get out of the house in the morning on her way to work. She runs down the street only to collide with a man walking the other way. Blushing, she showers him with apologies and in all the kerfuffle, a piece of jewelry slips off to the ground unnoticed. Days later she runs into him (figuratively this time) in a chic cafe, and romance brews. For variety, replace jewelry with wallet, train pass or other item; stir and bake.

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Tozen Union Blast Past 200 Members with 20 Local Chapters

Saturday afternoon Tozen Union drove through an important milestone, 200 members with the approval of seven new members. This is about twice the number of members at the time of founding on April 25, 2010.  The Tozen executive also authorized the formation of two new local unions, bringing the number of local chapters to a nice round 20.

Tozen are pushing forward on several fronts, with major disputes at Gaba, Shane and JCFL. The labour union currently have five cases in the dock at Tokyo Labor Commission, including two against JCFL and one against Shibaura Institute of Technology, which may be settled soon.  

Other fights are brewing. 



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Next Court Hearing against ICC

Our next court hearing against ICC language school will be held on August 26 at 13:10 room 502 at Yokohama district court. It wil be the last hearing, exchange of documents. In September testimonies will start.
Although it’s in the middle of the day and far please try to come if you can. Thank you very much.

ICC外語学院を相手取った次の法廷での審理は8月26日13時10分、横浜地裁502号法廷です。 最後の審理と書面のやり取りになる予定です。 9月からは口頭陳述が始まります。

Five-Year Rule Seminar

Does new Labor Contract Law mean five years and out? Or five years and in?


Date:日 時 
Sunday, December 1, 2013 2:00pm to 5:00pm

      No entrance fee! 参加はどなたでも無料です。

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Union, business concerns put limits on freedom of speech by Hifumi Okunuki

Hot on the heels of their romp to victory in the race for control of the House of Councilors, the Liberal Democratic Party is chomping at the bit to overhaul the Constitution, which has not been amended since it was signed into law in 1946. The ruling party proposes gutting Article 9, which forever bans war, and laying the legal groundwork for an official national military.

Today I won’t address this folly; rather, I’d like to discuss the tension between employees’ danketsuken (right to solidarity) and employers’ right to free speech under the as-yet-untweaked Constitution.

Article 21 guarantees without condition all freedom of “assembly, association, speech and publication.” All these freedoms apply to employers as well as employees.

Article 28 guarantees danketsuken: “The right of workers to come together in solidarity and to bargain and act collectively is guaranteed.” Together these are known as the three labor rights (rōdō sanken): danketsuken, dantaikōshōken and dantaikōdōken — the right to solidarity, to collective bargaining and to strike.

The Trade Union Law was built on the foundation that is Article 28. That law’s Article 7.3 prohibits interference (shihai kainyū) in the operation of a union by management. What this means in practice is that management’s freedom of speech is restricted to the extent that it interferes in the running of a union.

So when does an employer’s speech constitute illegal interference?

The most famous case to address the tension between an employer’s freedom of speech and the prohibition on union interference is the Prima Meat Packers case. The company had a closed shop, meaning membership in the union was a condition of employment and leaving or being expelled from the union meant automatic dismissal from the firm.

The union had bargained collectively several times over a wage demand during the spring labor offensive known as shuntō. After rejecting management’s latest offer, the union declared that talks had broken down.

The company president responded by sending the following memo to all employees:”It is unclear how union executives assess the company’s sincerity, but the union has announced the breakdown of talks. I believe this indicates an imminent strike. To me this seems like nothing more than striking for the sake of striking. This is quite regrettable. It is absolutely impossible for the company to raise its offer, so we are now have no choice but to take a drastic measure. I urge that both sides act in moderation.”

This document caused quite a kerfuffle in the union, with many members getting cold feet about striking. In the end nearly 200 members crossed the picket line.

The union sued for redress in the Tokyo Labor Commission, claiming the president’s message constituted interference in the union, discouraging members from striking and thereby violating Article 7.3 of the Trade Union Law. Both the Tokyo commission and then the National Labor Commission ruled in the union’s favor. The company dragged the case to court, but both the district and high courts upheld the Tokyo commission’s ruling.

Undeterred, management appealed to the Supreme Court. On Sept. 10, 1982, this fifth adjudicating body upheld all four lower rulings, handing workers a powerful judicial precedent.

The court’s reasons (ruling in italics):

1. While employers’ right to free speech is indeed protected by Article 21 of the Constitution, that right must be restricted by the prohibition on violating the danketsuken (right to solidarity) protected in Article 28.

The “right to solidarity” might sound strange to those who grew up in other countries, since it seems to imply a right to a feeling. In Japan, however, danketsuken is inviolable and trumps even free speech.

2. The content, method and timing of speech, the position and rank of the speaker, and the impact of the speech on union members, union organization or operation, when all considered together, determine that interference (shihai kainyū) has occurred.

The courts here again give themselves extraordinary latitude in deciding what is against the law, indicating that each case must be considered separately by each court.

3. Although the document was addressed to “employees,” it was effectively addressed to “all union members” since the company had a closed-shop agreement with the union. By criticizing the union leadership, there was a danger that the letter could drive a wedge between the executive and rank-and-file membership. The “drastic measure” had a menacing quality toward the union members. The call to “act in moderation” discouraged members from striking.

The court concluded that the document interfered with the independent operation of the union, including the decision to strike. (If I were of the management persuasion, I’d commend their persistence in appealing the first labor commission decision — no less than four times!) Ever since, the courts have consistently ruled that free speech does not extend to union interference.

Now let’s take a look at the other side of the coin.

The Supreme Court ruled on Dec. 20, 1983, in favor of a manager at Shinjuku Post Office who, at his own private home, spoke with employees and criticized the existing union’s militancy, while encouraging the employees to join a second union that was about to be formed. The court said, “The action might not have been fair, but it does not constitute union interference.”

On Dec. 21, 1970, Tokyo District Court likewise defended Oita Bank’s right to publish an internal newsletter describing the bank’s wage policies right in the middle of wage talks. The court said the bank was merely stating its opinion and was in no way committing shihai kainyū.

In the U.S., the right to free speech, protected by the First Amendment of that country’s Constitution, trumps both union and business rights. Thus, Target and other retailers are permitted to show their workers slick, professionally made infomercials with good-looking actors warning about how much unions will hurt workers (Google “Target’s Anti-Union Propaganda Video” and check it out). U.S. businesses openly hire anti-union consultants to bad-mouth unions to their hearts’ content, as long as they don’t engage in quid pro quo threats or promises tied to union membership.

In Japan, the situation is the reverse: Union and business rights both trump freedom of speech. This means that certain things management might say about a union at the workplace are illegal because they might discourage workers from joining or encourage them to leave the union, discourage them from striking or encourage them to scab, etc. The aforementioned Target video would be flagrantly illegal in Japan.

The labor laws in each country reflect their different histories, structure, ideology and social norms. I will leave you to decide which system is fairer, but I would suggest that management has overwhelmingly more intrinsic financial, positional and propaganda power than the average labor union.

I would be interested to know to what extent our readers think that freedom of speech should be protected. Should it trump union rights?

Five-Year Rule Seminar


〜5年でGood byeってホント?〜

Five-Year Rule Seminar

Does new Labor Contract Law mean five years and out?  Or five years and in?


日 時:2013年7月7日(日)Sunday, July 7, 2013 2pm to 5pm


    ☆参加無料! No entrance fee!

講  師:Instructors: Attn. Shoichi Ibuski (Akatsuki Law Firm)

           指宿 昭一弁護士(暁法律事務所)

                          Hifumi Okunuki (Executive President of Zenkoku Ippan Tokyo General Union/

           Teaches at Sagami Women’s University)

           奥貫 妃文(全国一般東京ゼネラルユニオン執行委員長、相模女子大学専任講師)


       This year Labor Contract Law added three new rules for fixed-term employment.



               Fixed-term contracts switch to permanent employment after 5 years


             The law codifies rules for refusal to renew fixed-term contracts


               The law prohibits illegitimate discrimination against fixed-term employees


     What impact will this have on those currently working fixed-term contracts?  Particularly teachers at universities are worried they might be non-renewed before reaching the five-year mark.  Some universities are already putting out want-ads announcing the post is only for three years and will not be renewed.


      Anxiety alone will solve nothing.  First let’s find out precisely what the new law says, how we can pursue the right to job security and specifically how to fight.  This seminar will provide a chance to put our heads together and prepare.  Please bring your friends, acquaintances and anyone else who works on fixed-term contracts to this seminar.


       We will focus in particular on university part-time teachers, who will be particularly impacted by this change, but of course the problem is shared by all workers on such contracts and all are very welcome.

◆ プログラム   Program

  1 有期雇用労働者と労働法〜これまでの法制度と今回の改正について(指宿昭一弁護士)

        Fixed-term employees and labor law.  The law ’till now and the new amendment.  (Attn. Shoichi Ibuski)

  2 質疑応答 Q&A

  3 大学の非常勤講師をめぐるこれまでの労働判決と最近の動向(奥貫妃文)

        Case law and recent trends for part-time instructors at universities. (Tozen President Hifumi Okunuki)

  4 質疑応答 Q&A

                            〜10分休憩〜   10-minute break

   5 会場の実態報告&ディベート 〜今後、法改正に対してどう対処すべきか〜

        Workplace reports from the floor and debate.   What is to be done?

  6 「有期労働契約実態調査」記入のお願い

        Please answer our questionnaire on your fixed-term employment

◆ 場 所 Venue :  Osaka Keizai Hohka Daigaku Tokyo Azabudai Seminar House

                     〒106-0041 Tokyo, Minato-ku, Azabudai 1-11-5, Tokyo Azabudai Seminar House

                               * Take Hibiya Line to Kamiyacho Station, Exit 1.  Then a five-minute walk.

                 (TEL:03-5545-7789 E-mail:capp@keiho-u.ac.jp






   〜5年でGood byeってホント?〜  





   午後2時00分〜午後5時00分(途中10分休憩あり) ☆参加無料


講師: 指宿 昭一弁護士(暁法律事務所)

    奥貫 妃文(全国一般東京ゼネラルユニオン執行委員長、相模女子大学専任講師)

















 1 有期雇用労働者と労働法〜これまでの法制度と今回の改正について(指宿昭一弁護士) 

 2 質疑応答

 3 大学の非常勤講師をめぐるこれまでの労働判決と最近の動向(奥貫妃文)


 4 質疑応答


 5 会場の実態報告&ディベート 〜今後、法改正に対してどう対処すべきか〜

 6 「有期労働契約実態調査」記入のお願い

 7 おわり 



◆場 所:大阪経済法科大学麻布台セミナーハウス 

     106-0041 東京都港区麻布台1-11-5東京麻布台セミナーハウス